Guards Brigades

The Allies 1939-1945, and those fighting against Germany.

Moderator: John W. Howard

Rich
Associate
Posts: 622
Joined: Sun Nov 17, 2002 9:36 am
Location: Somewhere Else Now

Post by Rich »

nigelfe wrote:Concentrations against oppotunity tgts were not much used on the W Front in WW1, generally such tgs never warranted more than a bty. However, the ability to concentrate against planned tgts, ie DFs, was very well developed and of course barrages were the ultimate state of the art. By about Aug 1917 they had all the elemetns is place for predicted fire (RTs with corrns for non standard conditions, calibration, survey and regular met messages (6 times per day).
I think that's where were talking past each other. Predicted fires were rather simple techniques and pretty much everybodiesl artillery was well schooled in them by 1917. The US had already in its own designs adopted the French mils, so when US industry failed to produce domestic pieces it was logical to adopt the French pieces for field and medium guns. Even so, the US Army in France also adopted a large number of heavy British pieces IIRC.

But what I was talking about was the developments in rapidly engaging point targets as they appeared and doing so with massed fires, something that was nearly impossible in the Great War. That was what the Artillery School's Firing Department concentrated on interwar - because it wasn't that opportunity targets were few, it was because it was almost impossible to engage them with more than a battery and even that was almost impossible with Great War techniques. The firing techniques were great for pre-planned shoots on registered targets or in DF's or barrages, but it they stank when it came to rapidly engaging mobile targets or worse when the guns had to move and then rapidly engage a new target.

As far as I understand the technique adopted in the US Army to allow for rapid engagment of targets by a single observer, was back-azimuth ranging, which was fully developed by 1932. Was the British techniques similar? Then add on the developments in communications and centralized fire control and you have all the elements that allowed a single observer to rapidly engage any target in his view and with all pieces in range.
Various options for muti bty concentraions emerged bewtwwen the wars but none were notably efficient if ranging was required. The 1938 revisions added a method, basically an extension of the procedures to concentrate the tps of a bty, for regt coincentrations. However, while it worked OK at bty level and ranging by the control tp (which could be any tp), but it was less successful at regimental. The key challenge for Brit procedures was that ranging on BT was the standard method because for a bty it was significantly faster than any other method, and speed was the holy grail. Parham's procedures didn't use OT either, merely cardinal point bearings.
Okay, yes this appears to parallel US developments. The key problem was communication from the observer to the ranging battery or piece and then the development of a system for linking that observer's corrections to multiple batteries. The key links were the FDC and the communications web that was developed, combining wire and wireless connections from observer to FDC and FDC to the batteries. The next step, from FDC at a single battalion to contolling multiple battalions from a single FDC-observer link was the logical endpoint.
There must have been some UK/US arty discussion in the 1930s because of the agreement over 4.5 in Gun. However, I've never come across anything to indicate discussions beyond that. Part of the issue is that the US entered WW1 and adopted French procedures, which seem to have involved more centralised technical control that the Brits used. Post WW1 the Brits compounded the difference by deciding that the BC's primary task was tactical control from the front not technical control at the bty. In WW1 he shared front line duties with his subalterns and was often the most competant officer in the technical aspects of predicted fire as well.
Actually the discussions regarding the 4.5" didn't begin until the first British purchasing mission arrived in June 1940. Production of the 4.5" M1 in the US then did not begin until September 1942. Curiously though it was almost a parallel to World War I when the failure of US industry meant that the M1906 4.7" Corps Gun (by all accounts a very good piece for its day) was never produced in sufficient quantity to equip US forces. As a result the US Army in France adopted the British 60-pdr as an intermediate piece between the 75mm and 155mm Gun. Interwar, the US refined the 4.7" M1906, attempting to produce a piece with the range of a 155mm Gun and the weight of a 155mm Howitzer, sadly tinkering with the requirements meant that tube production was delayed until early 1943, so the British 4.5" was adopted to get a substitute piece into the hands of the troops. Which is ironic since IIRC the 4.5" started life as a development from a modernized 60pdr. :D But the 4.7" refused to die and although it was never produced as a field gun, it eventually entered service as the 120mm M1 AA Gun. Of course it was eventually decided that there really wasn't any need for a gun in that caliber range, but then that's the story of a lot of weapons development. :D

But it is interesting that the US establishment didn't think of maintaning the battery commanders authority and prestige by making him an integral part of the forward observer tactical team as did the British. Given that so much of the controversy at the School interwar revolved around that loss of authority it seems it would have been the perfect solution. Instead oddly enough, in US practice the Battery Commander became merely the administrative head of the battery and maintained his "command" post party with the battery trains, while the Battery Executive Officer's post was actually at the firing battery and the duty of Forward Observer was shared by the junior lieutenants commanding the firing platoons. Frankly I think the British solution, while more hazerdous for the Battery Commander, was probbly the smarter one.
nigelfe
Enthusiast
Posts: 421
Joined: Sat Oct 25, 2003 6:06 am
Contact:

Post by nigelfe »

Actually I don't think predicted fire methods (or map shooting as the Brits called them at that time) were widely established in 1917. The Germans don't seem to have sorted their's out until that winter and first used it in the 1918 spring offensives. Prior to this they seem to have been totally wedded to ranging. Since they were on the defensive and hence able to pick their positions to some extent (notably the Hindenburg line) and thus get good observation then this was perhaps reasonable. An added factor was that while their flash spotting was OK their sound ranging was a joke, this target acquisition weakness often coupled with better observation meant that predicted fire was probably not as important for them as it was for the Brits (until GE made the strategic decision to move to the offensive in 1918).

Predicted fire was important for a second reason, it shaped the control system. The Brit methods of ranging meant that the only 'technical' decision made on the gun position was to select the charge (unless 18 pdr was being used), displacement corrections might also calculated, depending on the method used to orient the guns. Even shrapnel didn't need any work because each gun had a fuze indicator that converted range to fuze setting (and, of course, range was set on the sights) and enabled the use of 'corrector'. In fact when you study the pre WW1 methods you see that they actually put most technical 'work' on the guns. This putting technical work on the guns continued, albeit significantly decreased, until computers were introduced.

The work grew during WW1 as target records 'emerged' including techniques such as datum points and witness points, and the need to produce data for barrages There was usually plenty of time for this and barrage data was sometimes done by the Captain (bty 2ic) in the horse & wagon lines a mile or two behind the guns. Of course RGA had been able to adjust for some meteor before WW1 by adjusting the ballistic coefficient, not exactly a 'user friendly' method. It was the introduction of met msgs and RTs with comprehensive data for variations from non-std conditions that provided a 'field usable' system and really started to create a technical control workload. Unlike the French and subsequently the US the Brits never tried to handle this technical control above bty level (and as above put a proportion onto each gun).

Line was capable of supporting comms but as the rate of advance increased there was more lag in laying it and while observer to gun links were short as were bty to regt, the higher up the chain the greater the distances and hence the longer it took to lay line. The attraction of radio to guys like Alan Brooke writing in the 1920s was that portable radio solved the problem of FO comms, particularly during attack. This had been the big problem in WW1. From Aug 1918 and the rapid advances line coped OK at bty/bde level, but the FO in the assault laying assault cable as he went forward was another matter and he was the key guy to keep the barrage and programme shoots in sync with the infantry and deal with GE c-attks.

In 1939 the Brits had a scale of radios that allowed arty to operate without line (if they wanted to), and during the rest of the war the number of 'stations' didn't increase very much, but some stations ended up with 3 radios. Eg observers had a manpack and a vehicle set and could use auto re-bro thru the latter to the tp CP (or bty Cp, or regt HQ or even div/agra HQ) and then another set to talk (or listen) to the supported arm.

I can't work out what a 'back azimuth' method would be. The Brit method was to range on the bty-tgt line (BT, or GT today), which was of course the line of fire and hence didn't need any corrections for the geometry of OTB. The snag of this was multi-bty (or tp) shoots, hence their choice of methods with the 1938 re-org. The earlier procedures either involved predicted fire, (with high confidence of tgt location!), ranging one bty & updating the tgt location then checking the fire from other btys, or ranging each bty separately. Parham's innovation was to use cardinal points (and the system of authorised observers). Another thought, I've not researched the PRO files on the decision to create AGRAs but the timing suggests Parham's innovations may have been a factor.

The Brits didn't adopt OT ranging until 1950, almost certainly because it was slower than BT. However, once they adopted it they very quickly found the solution to the speed problem with the cunning but elegantly simple 'plotter' to replace the arty board. A pity they didn't have the insight 12 years earlier, but it's difficult to criticise them because noone else seems to have had it either!
Kommandeur

Post by Kommandeur »

All this information about the artillery is fascinating!

Meanwhile ... on the subject of the Guards Brigades ... it would appear that 201sts motor battalions had four rifle companies (rather than three) + support company.

DK
Rich
Associate
Posts: 622
Joined: Sun Nov 17, 2002 9:36 am
Location: Somewhere Else Now

Post by Rich »

Sory to be so long getting back to this Nigel, but I had to find my source material again. :oops:
nigelfe wrote:I can't work out what a 'back azimuth' method would be. The Brit method was to range on the bty-tgt line (BT, or GT today), which was of course the line of fire and hence didn't need any corrections for the geometry of OTB. The snag of this was multi-bty (or tp) shoots, hence their choice of methods with the 1938 re-org. The earlier procedures either involved predicted fire, (with high confidence of tgt location!), ranging one bty & updating the tgt location then checking the fire from other btys, or ranging each bty separately. Parham's innovation was to use cardinal points (and the system of authorised observers). Another thought, I've not researched the PRO files on the decision to create AGRAs but the timing suggests Parham's innovations may have been a factor.
The problems with "predicted fire" (US "unobserved fire") were that it took time to establish the survey and if the target was truly unobserved there was no way to correct fire (and it also depended on very accurate and up to date maps). And just as you note the "snag" in observed fire was that it was relatively simple for a battery observer to correct fire to an individual battery, but that then ranging in other batteries remained problematic and time consuming. In the interwar years at the Gunnery School between 1929 and 1932 they first attempted a method whereby one battery observer would attempt to identify a target directly to the observers of the other batteries, which had all the difficulties that can be imagined. Often the second and third observer couldn't even identify the same target from their own location.

Then during a post shoot discussion in 1932 Major War, Captain Russell Barkeow and Captain Sidney Dunn noticed that the plots for all the attempts to mass the battalion fires resulted in a triangular cluster near the target. They suddenly realized that since that did not happen during shoots from surveyed positions, that the differance was caused by the differing elevations of the firing batteries.

Ward then proposed that instead of plotting the gun positions first using survey data that it would be simpler to plot the target, adjust fire on it from one gun in each battery, and then use the range and direction from each of the ranging guns to plot the position of each battery in relation to the target by using the back azimuth.

At the following service practice they then used a single observer communicating directly to a battalion headquarters to adjust successively one gun in each battery on a prominent target on the firing range. From that data the battalion then plotted the locations of each of the batteries. Then the observer shifted the fire to a new observed target in the same general area, correcting from one gun in one battery until the target was succesfully ranged. From that data the plotters at battalion converted the ranging data to firing data for the other two batteries and all three then successfully fired on the target for effect.

The result cut the time for plotting battalion concentrations from several hours to about 10 minutes and then even less as the system was refined. The Fire Direction Center was established as a permanent part of the battalion headquarters and the battery observers were placed directly under the control of the battalion. Communications then ran directly, by wire or radio, to the FDC and from the FDC directly to the battery firing position.

Hope you find that interesting.
BobM
Supporter
Posts: 142
Joined: Thu Oct 02, 2003 5:46 am
Contact:

Post by BobM »

I most certainly did - thanks for posting it :)
nigelfe
Enthusiast
Posts: 421
Joined: Sat Oct 25, 2003 6:06 am
Contact:

Post by nigelfe »

Yes, interesting.

Actually two matters, the first is survey by shooting or 'shooting in unmapped country' as the Brits used to call it. The other is merely finding the deflection and range in the normal way for each bty to the common target.

I have to say the justification seems a bit iffy. You need accurate common survey (and MET + VE) for unobserved fire, however, that's not the problem. With an observed concentration of fire from different btys all that is needed is that the btys are in survey sympathy, they may or may not be accurate to the map, than can be fixed up later. Given good planning and recon procedures, and btys that are only 1000-2000 yards apart, then sympathetic survey can be done by the time the guns are in action. Even if survey starts when the guns arrive it shouldn't have take more than an hour to get sympatheic survey, just a couple of short traverses from the centre bty to the other 2, and with a bit of careful siting you can often trade a traverse for a couple of 'dog-legs'. And I'm talking survey calcs using logarithms here, not calculators!

Of course it can also have limits, depending on whether or not MET+VE are being used. If they are not then the method described requires that the common adjustment point used to derive the relative correction (something between a datum/registration point and a witness point) is within a reasonable distance of the target, both in range and in relative line of fire. If it's not the variations accumulate and the fire of the other two btys will increasingly diverge.
Rich
Associate
Posts: 622
Joined: Sun Nov 17, 2002 9:36 am
Location: Somewhere Else Now

Post by Rich »

nigelfe wrote:Yes, interesting.

Actually two matters, the first is survey by shooting or 'shooting in unmapped country' as the Brits used to call it. The other is merely finding the deflection and range in the normal way for each bty to the common target.

I have to say the justification seems a bit iffy.
The justification as I understand it was for finding a method of rapidly engaging opportunity targets "off the fly" when a survey had not been completed or when maps proved inaccurate (which apparently happened with some frequency, even in France :D ). So in effect yes, it was "shooting in unmapped country." To quote from one source document:

"Instructors at the Field Artillery School, without any concept of the future employment of artillery, agreed that the development of tanks and machine guns had put an end to trench warfare and the static situations of the last war. If assault forces were to maneuver, the artillery would have to learn to shift its fire to support the infantry."

("Fort Sill and the Golden Age of Field Artillery," from an unpublished birography of Orlando Ward by Russell A. Gugelar in the files of the Artillery School, Fort Sill)

So developing the mechanics were one part, but doctrinal changes were the second part and that included shifting the fire control responsibility from battery to battalion, linking the battalion FDC directly to the observers, and then linking them laterally in a chain that would allow for rapid massed supporting fires on a single target, from battalion to multi-battalion shoots from every artillery piece in range of the target, regardless of which unit the artillery was organizationally a part of.

The interesting thing is that it appears that the mechanical part of the equation were evidently different - if I read you right it seems that the British doctrine remained interested in survey and developed techniques to rapidly survey in all pieces, batteries, and regiments on a common line (the impression I also got from Blackburn's memoirs). But the doctrinal use of massed fires as developed by the US and Britian was remarkably similar, although the application of the technique was slightly different.

Now the interesting thing is, again if I read it right, the US development was all through "school work," theoretical concepts on the mechanics and doctrine worked out and tested in a school environemnt and essentially completely in place prior to the US entry in the war. For the British it appears that the mechanics were very well worked out, but that it required Parham's innovations during the war to change the doctrinal use of the artillery so as to take maximum advanatage of the improved mechanics? So the "revolutionary" developments in the US FieldArtillery were a corporate creation, whereas those in the Royal Artillery were more a product of individual genius? :D

Does that make sense to you? Or am I missing something?
nigelfe
Enthusiast
Posts: 421
Joined: Sat Oct 25, 2003 6:06 am
Contact:

Post by nigelfe »

Nevertheless WW2 and the thinking before it seems to have recognise 4 phases of war - attack, defence, advance, withdrawal. The first 2 are standard fireplanning practices from an arty point of view. Opportunity targets really only come into their own during advance, or even pursuit. The thing then is that large concentrations aren't really needed because the targets are small. Large concs are tend to be used when attacks meet unexpected resistance or counter-attacks.

It's certainly true that maps were not good in France, despite the huge effort put into upadating them from air photos (UK and US each had some 5000 surveyors on thejob) but the root problem was that the French maps they were trying to update were basically a Napoleonic survey! The Brits had learn't the hardway in WW1 how important survey was, so developed a progreesive approach that could start with local sympathy between troops for fix and orientation then work up to getting every battery on theatre grid. As I previously said, for observed concs you just need survey sympathy, for predicted fire it needs to be accurate to the map grid.

I've not come across anything to indicate any Brit interest in concs against opportunity targets above regt level before about 1942, of course they'd operated 24 gun 'regts' from 1916 so it was less of an issue than it would be for 12 gun bns.

Actually the US and UK arty systems were fundamentally different up until Vietnam, and even then the similarity was de facto not de jure.

What really highlighted the difference was the 1965 ABCA (or '5 eyes') argeement on calling for arty fire. This explicitly recognised 'System 1' and 'System 2'. In the US system calls for fire were always requests, in the UK they were mostly orders but could be requests if the observer calling for fire was not 'authorised', but the comd system always endevoured to authorise observers that needed it. This flowed from other key difference between the 2 arty systems. Basically the US put the decision making at the rear, the Brits put it at the front, not just with observers but also by putting the bty comd with a supported inf or armd bn comd and the regt comd (and his Tac HQ) with the bde comd. This difference often seems slight to people who don't really understand arty. The Brit approach flowed from concern that unless arty tactical decision making was physically located with the supported arm/HQ then the risk of an 'arty private war' was unacceptable.

Vietnam changed things for the US by putting technical fire control back at bty level and in effect letting FOs order fire. Off course officially the US system has not changed although it seems (?) that the US has been tweaking it to be closer to the British way by increasing the authority of LNOs. The Brits also made some small moves in the other direction, basically to enable better IT based resource management in the BATES system although in practice they seem to have used BATES in their traditional way (unless you meet the Red Hordes). However, BATES actually enabled a bty comd to have control of the entire corps arty (for a short period!) not just for one target, which is probably the ultimate in control from the front.
Rich
Associate
Posts: 622
Joined: Sun Nov 17, 2002 9:36 am
Location: Somewhere Else Now

Post by Rich »

nigelfe wrote:Actually the US and UK arty systems were fundamentally different up until Vietnam, and even then the similarity was de facto not de jure.
Yes, as I mentioned before it seems almost inexplicable that the US did not make the leap to put the battery commander in the frontline as the FO. It would have silenced the old guard who bitched about the "authority" and "prestige" the battery commander had lost. I think in that respect they did overemphasize the control of the battalion/group and FDC. But their concern was the most economical, efficient, and speedy way to control a mass of guns although they tended more towards economy whereas the Royal Artillery methods as they evolved tended more towards efficiency and speed.

Really a very interesting discussion.
Carl Schwamberger
Contributor
Posts: 248
Joined: Tue Sep 12, 2006 5:41 pm

Inter War Contact

Post by Carl Schwamberger »

A bit of data for a old question.

"Do you know if there was any contact between the British artillery establishment and the US Army Artillery School at Fort Sill between the wars?"

In the Journal of Royal Artillery there was a brief artical on the US artillery circa 1938. Two others concerning German & French artillery appeared in the same era. Its clear the writer had spent many weeks, perhaps some months observing these armys, but he conveys amazingly little real information about them. No indication if the writer was part of a larger team & I dont recall any refrence to other reports that might have resulted or refrence to technical meetings.
nigelfe
Enthusiast
Posts: 421
Joined: Sat Oct 25, 2003 6:06 am
Contact:

Post by nigelfe »

I haven't any information. There is one possible clue. For the last 100 years there been a regimental award evey third year, the Neville Walford medal, for 'valuable work in connection with foreign artillery'. However, the only award between 1929 and 1948 was in 1938 to Bt Lt Col PG Whitefoord.

There is a book about the history of the School of Artillery Larkhill, which I confess to never having read. It might give a clue as to when foreign liaison and exchange officers first arrived. I'm assuming that these would be a two way street.
Carl Schwamberger
Contributor
Posts: 248
Joined: Tue Sep 12, 2006 5:41 pm

Post by Carl Schwamberger »

Whitefoords name does not appear on any of the JRA articals I have. Skimming through them it is evident the British artillery officers were taking a close look at forigen artillery, but printing very little detail of use in the JRA. Or, perhaps they wernt really comprehending what they saw. The most usefull is a translation of a French officers essay on fire control in the French artillery. Written some time between 1937 & 1938. That artical gives me the impression the French were aiming at using battalions the way other armys used batterys and regiments as battalions. I'll have to read this thing throughly again, but it seems the French were placing multi brigade groups on common survey as early as 1936, and expecting to shift regiment/brigade fires rapidly from target to target.
BobM
Supporter
Posts: 142
Joined: Thu Oct 02, 2003 5:46 am
Contact:

Post by BobM »

Carl Schwamberger wrote:Whitefoords name does not appear on any of the JRA articals I have. Skimming through them it is evident the British artillery officers were taking a close look at forigen artillery, but printing very little detail of use in the JRA. Or, perhaps they wernt really comprehending what they saw. The most usefull is a translation of a French officers essay on fire control in the French artillery. Written some time between 1937 & 1938. That artical gives me the impression the French were aiming at using battalions the way other armys used batterys and regiments as battalions. I'll have to read this thing throughly again, but it seems the French were placing multi brigade groups on common survey as early as 1936, and expecting to shift regiment/brigade fires rapidly from target to target.
Dear Carl


I'd really like to see a copy of that artical. Which issue of the JRA is in in?

Cheers

Bob
Carl Schwamberger
Contributor
Posts: 248
Joined: Tue Sep 12, 2006 5:41 pm

JRA

Post by Carl Schwamberger »

Bob M. I'll check again for a date. That artical was copied towards the end of the day & we were getting sloppy, so I did not see a issue ID or date on it.

From the text I'm guessing between 1937 to 1938. There is a footnote that refers to the French artillery regulations of 1936, so it has to be after that. The British translator is refering to 'battalion' size broups of twelve guns as "Brigades". Until the reorganization of the divsion artillery the light artillery, the 18 & 25lbrs were in six gun batterys grouped in four battery 'brigades'. From 1939 the RA refers to twelve gun groups as "Batterys", so its likely before that practice started.

If you contact me email I can arraringe a copy for you.

[email protected]
Carl Schwamberger
Contributor
Posts: 248
Joined: Tue Sep 12, 2006 5:41 pm

Post by Carl Schwamberger »

Actually what we need are copies of the French artillery regulations from the interwar period.

Anyone have copies handy? :D
Post Reply